
Matt Taibbi’s lede is long, brilliant, but nearly 750 words long, and he sets the reader’s table perfectly for the Trump shot:
What’s he got to be insecure about? The American electoral system is opening before him like a flower.
In person, you can’t miss it: The same way Sarah Palin can see Russia from her house, Donald on the stump can see his future. The pundits don’t want to admit it, but it’s sitting there in plain view, 12 moves ahead, like a chess game already won:
President Donald Trump.
Today may make the fear all better, convince us that the past ten months have all been a bad dream. Maybe.
I don’t think so.
How the fuck did this happen? Taibbi explains:
[I]n an insane twist of fate, this bloated billionaire scion has hobbies that have given him insight into the presidential electoral process. He likes women, which got him into beauty pageants. And he likes being famous, which got him into reality TV. He knows show business.
That put him in position to understand that the presidential election campaign is really just a badly acted, billion-dollar TV show whose production costs ludicrously include the political disenfranchisement of its audience. Trump is making a mockery of the show, and the Wolf Blitzers and Anderson Coopers of the world seem appalled. How dare he demean the presidency with his antics?
But they’ve all got it backward. The presidency is serious. The presidential electoral process, however, is a sick joke, in which everyone loses except the people behind the rope line. And every time some pundit or party spokesman tries to deny it, Trump picks up another vote.
Trump say out loud what lesser beings only reveal to their drunken fraternal brothers leaning in to mutter their dark feelings about those people ruining their country and making their lives suck. Taibbi nails the idea.
[T]here’s evidence that human polling undercounts Trump’s votes, as people support him in larger numbers when they don’t have to admit their leanings to a live human being. Like autoerotic asphyxiation, supporting Donald Trump is an activity many people prefer to enjoy in a private setting, like in a shower or a voting booth.
Those people who aren’t afraid to proudly proclaim their love all things Trump do so because they like the man first, because he’s not a tool.
Trump, though, she likes. And so do a lot of people. No one should be surprised that he’s tearing through the Republican primaries, because everything he’s saying about his GOP opponents is true. They really are all stooges on the take, unable to stand up to Trump because they’re not even people, but are, like Jeb and Rubio, just robo-babbling representatives of unseen donors.
Surprisingly, for me, Taibbi shifts gear and brings (with a Trump twist) Bernie and Hillary into the story.
The unexpectedly thrilling Democratic Party race between Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders, too, is breaking just right for Trump. It’s exposing deep fissures in the Democratic strategy that Trump is already exploiting.
Every four years, some Democrat who’s been a lifelong friend of labor runs for president. And every four years, that Democrat gets thrown over by national labor bosses in favor of some party lifer with his signature on a half-dozen job-exporting free-trade agreements.
It’s called “transactional politics,” and the operating idea is that workers should back the winner, rather than the most union-friendly candidate.
This year, national leaders of several prominent unions went with Hillary Clinton – who, among other things, supported her husband’s efforts to pass NAFTA – over Bernie Sanders. Pissed, the rank and file in many locals revolted. In New Hampshire, for instance, a Service Employees International Union local backed Sanders despite the national union’s endorsement of Clinton, as did an International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers chapter.
Trump is already positioning himself to take advantage of the political opportunity afforded him by “transactional politics.” He regularly hammers the NAFTA deal in his speeches, applying to it his favorite word, “disaster.” And he just as regularly drags Hillary Clinton into his hypothetical tales of job-saving, talking about how she could never convince Detroit carmakers out of moving a factory to Mexico.
Unions have been abused so much by both parties in the past decades that even mentioning themes union members care about instantly grabs the attention of workers. That’s true even when it comes from Donald Trump, a man who kicked off the fourth GOP debate saying “wages [are] too high” and who had the guts to tell the Detroit News that Michigan autoworkers make too much money.
You will find union members scattered at almost all of Trump’s speeches. And there have been rumors of unions nationally considering endorsing Trump. SEIU president Mary Kay Henry even admitted in January that Trump appeals to members because of the “terrible anxiety” they feel about jobs.
“I know guys, union guys, who talk about Trump,” says Rand Wilson, an activist from the Labor for Bernie organization. “I try to tell them about Sanders, and they don’t know who he is. Or they’ve just heard he’s a socialist. Trump they’ve heard of.”
More specifically, why the race in November may be Bernie vs. Donald:
This is part of a gigantic subplot to the Trump story, which is that many of his critiques of the process are the same ones being made by Bernie Sanders. The two men, of course, are polar opposites in just about every way – Sanders worries about the poor, while Trump would eat a child in a lifeboat – but both are laser-focused on the corrupting role of money in politics.
Both propose “revolutions” to solve the problem, the difference being that Trump’s is an authoritarian revolt, while Sanders proposes a democratic one. If it comes down to a Sanders-Trump general election, the matter will probably be decided by which candidate the national press turns on first: the flatulent narcissist with cattle-car fantasies or the Democrat who gently admires Scandinavia. Would you bet your children on that process playing out sensibly?
We are, of course, betting our children, and their children and their children.
In this revolution, perhaps Bernie is Danton to Donald’s Robespierre.
The triumvirate of big media, big donors and big political parties has until now successfully excluded every challenge to its authority. But like every aristocracy, it eventually got lazy and profligate, too sure it was loved by the people. It’s now shocked that voters in depressed ex-factory towns won’t keep pulling the lever for “conservative principles,” or that union members bitten a dozen times over by a trade deal won’t just keep voting Democratic on cue.
I first became disenchanted with the Democratic Party in 1996, the year I first voted third party. I stuck around for 16 more years after I vowed that if President Obama proved to be as disappointing as President Clinton, well, I was done. He did and I was.
At an organizing meeting for Bernie Sanders last year, I told the organizer that if Bernie lost the bid for the nomination, I would not, under any circumstances, vote for whoever was nominated. He was initially shocked by my attitude, but quickly recovered and began making conciliatory noises.
I was not impressed. I’ve now put more of my money into Bernie’s campaign ($550 as of this morning) than I have ever done for any other candidate. That’s $550 I don’t really have, but I feel that strongly about Bernie. I haven’t felt this way since my first presidential vote in 1976.
The Tea Party (nothing more than a front for our Oligarchy) has blown up the Republican Party. Maybe Bernie can blow up the decrepit, degenerate organization that is nothing more than the Republican Party’s less-reactionary wing.
I hope so.
Taibbi concludes: King Trump. Brace yourselves, America. It’s really happening.