REMEMBER THOSE WHO HAD NO CHOICE AS WELL…
1300 by Jeff Hess
We set aside today to memorialize the dead. We focus almost exclusively on our military dead, but some like my family take this time to visit our ancestral graves. Today is also a good day to remember the another kind of dead: the Africans dragged from their homesand enslaved in the fields and homes of their enslavers in the Americas.
I have written about Ta-Nehisi Coates and the issue of reparations before and particularly I have advocated for the passage of House Resolution 40, the bill championed by Rep. John Conyers of Michigan (D-Mi). in H.R. 40 Is Not a Symbolic Act. It’s a Path to Restorative Justice. for The American Civil Liberties Union, Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee (D-Texas) writes:
The designation of this legislation as H.R. 40 is intended to memorialize the promise made by Gen. William T. Sherman, in his 1865 Special Field Order No. 15, to redistribute 400,000 acres of formerly Confederate-owned coastal land in South Carolina and Florida, subdivided into 40-acre plots. In addition to the more well-known land redistribution, the order also established autonomous governance for the region and provided for protection by military authorities of the settlements. Though Southern sympathizer and former slaveholder President Andrew Johnson would later overturn the order, this plan represented the first systematic form of freedmen reparations.
We are no closer to any form of reparations in 2020 than we were a century-and-half ago. Lee continues:
With the withdrawal of Union troops from the South in 1877, the promise of Reconstruction proved short-lived, and over the next century and a half, the Black Codes would morph into Jim Crow segregation and federal redlining and the war on drugs and mass incarceration and racism in policing and underfunded schools — injuries not confined solely to the South. These historical injustices connect through a web of government policies that have ensured that the majority of African Americans have had to, in the words of President Obama, “work twice as hard as anyone else if you want to get by.” Black America’s unemployment rate is more than twice that of white America’s. Black families have just one-sixteenth of the wealth of white families. Nearly one million Black people — mostly young men — are incarcerated across the country. Though remote in time from the period of enslavement, these racial disparities in access to education, health care, housing, insurance, employment, and other social goods are directly attributable to the damaging legacy of slavery and racial discrimination.
Since its introduction, H.R. 40 has spurred some governmental acknowledgment of the crime of slavery, but most often the response has taken the form of an apology. Even the well-intentioned commitments to examine the historical and modern-day implications of slavery by the Clinton administration, however, fell short of the mark and failed to inspire substantive public discourse.
Rep. Conyers died last October, but H.R. 40 continues, championed now by Rep. Lee.
Since my reintroduction of H.R. 40 at the beginning of this Congress, both the legislation and concept of reparations have become the focus of national debate. For many, it is apparent that the success of the Obama administration has unleashed a backlash of racism and intolerance that is an echo of America’s dark past that has yet to be exorcised from the national consciousness. Commentators have turned to H.R. 40 as a response to formally begin the process of analyzing, confronting, and atoning for these dark chapters of American history.
Even conservative voices, like that of New York Times columnist David Brooks, are starting to give the reparations cause the hearing it deserves, observing that: “Reparations are a drastic policy and hard to execute, but the very act of talking and designing them heals a wound and opens a new story.” Similarly, a majority of the Democratic presidential contenders have turned to H.R 40 as a tool for reconciliation, with 17 cosponsoring or claiming they would sign the bill into law if elected.
Though critics have argued that the idea of reparations is unworkable politically or financially, their focus on money misses the point of the H.R. 40 commission’s mandate. The goal of these historical investigations is to bring American society to a new reckoning with how our past affects the current conditions of African Americans and to make America a better place by helping the truly disadvantaged. Consequently, the reparations movement does not focus on payments to individuals, but to remedies that can be created in as many forms necessary to equitably address the many kinds of injuries sustained from chattel slavery and its continuing vestiges. To merely focus on finance is an empty gesture and betrays a lack of understanding of the depth of the unaddressed moral issues that continue to haunt this nation.
Lee, and others, refer to slavery as the original sin of our nation, but I think that is letting the founders off too easily. Slavery was foundational to the political and economic existence of what became these United States. Believing that Benjamin Franklin was correct when he reportedly told a divided Continental Congress that: We Must Hang Together Or Surely We Shall Hang Separately, those assembled would not risk the defection of the cotton and tobacco states in the fight for independence.
Bonus No. 1: America, It Is Time to Talk About Reparations.

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